I would like to make the following observations:
1. Independent candidate is not allowed. Follow the Judgment of the Court of Appeal of Tanzania (Supreme Court) on the case of “Rev. Christopher Mtikila v. Attorney General, Civil Appeal No. 45 of 2009″. The decision was delivered on 17 June, 2010.
2.It is obvious that the Office of the Registrar of Political Parties has no capacity to enforce the Election Expenses Act.No.6 of 2010. In my view I find this law inadequate to regulate financing during elections. Besides, it seems to adversely affect opposition parties rather than CCM. The cases that have recently been opened following CCM nomination are superficial.
3. Power-sharing in Zanzibar. Yes, CUF needed it more than CCM. CCM as a party did not have a common stand on voting for YES, instead factions decided on their own. The referendum did not give space opportunity for those with NO opinions to air their views. Besides, the voters’ registration was flawed. Although the 31 July 2010 was passed by about 64% of all valid votes, it is unlikely to end the polarity between Pemba and Unguja. Indeed, after the 2010 general elections, it is certain that a “CCM-CUF” government of unity will be formed as opposed to the government of national unity. Moreover, the outcome of the vote will affect the Union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar. One recent development is that the Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar has passed 10th Constitutional Amendments Act. No. 9 of 2010 which was signed by the president on 13 August, 2010. One of the indication of Zanzibar’s demand for more autonomy was clear “that Zanzibar is no longer a geographical part of the United Republic of Tanzania, but it is a COUNTRY”. This is landmark development since the Union on 26th April, 1964.
4. I agree with Barak on the fact that CCM will win landslide victory in the October, 2010 elections. However, he does not explain how this is the case. I would like to argue that the ruling party is a “state-party”. It relies on state instruments and resources for its survival and operations. In that case it controls all factors of elections: laws, media, security forces, state personnel, the national electoral commission and the registrar of political parties. There are well established evidences since the advent of multipartism in 1992.
The MA in Democracy and Governance at Georgetown University is now accepting applications for the 2012-2013 academic year.
Find out more.
Founded in 2004, Democracy and Society is a biannual print journal published by the Center for Democracy and Civil Society at Georgetown University. The D&S Blog provides web-only content, including special reports and investigative series, on issues relating to democracy and development.
I would like to make the following observations:
1. Independent candidate is not allowed. Follow the Judgment of the Court of Appeal of Tanzania (Supreme Court) on the case of “Rev. Christopher Mtikila v. Attorney General, Civil Appeal No. 45 of 2009″. The decision was delivered on 17 June, 2010.
2.It is obvious that the Office of the Registrar of Political Parties has no capacity to enforce the Election Expenses Act.No.6 of 2010. In my view I find this law inadequate to regulate financing during elections. Besides, it seems to adversely affect opposition parties rather than CCM. The cases that have recently been opened following CCM nomination are superficial.
3. Power-sharing in Zanzibar. Yes, CUF needed it more than CCM. CCM as a party did not have a common stand on voting for YES, instead factions decided on their own. The referendum did not give space opportunity for those with NO opinions to air their views. Besides, the voters’ registration was flawed. Although the 31 July 2010 was passed by about 64% of all valid votes, it is unlikely to end the polarity between Pemba and Unguja. Indeed, after the 2010 general elections, it is certain that a “CCM-CUF” government of unity will be formed as opposed to the government of national unity. Moreover, the outcome of the vote will affect the Union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar. One recent development is that the Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar has passed 10th Constitutional Amendments Act. No. 9 of 2010 which was signed by the president on 13 August, 2010. One of the indication of Zanzibar’s demand for more autonomy was clear “that Zanzibar is no longer a geographical part of the United Republic of Tanzania, but it is a COUNTRY”. This is landmark development since the Union on 26th April, 1964.
4. I agree with Barak on the fact that CCM will win landslide victory in the October, 2010 elections. However, he does not explain how this is the case. I would like to argue that the ruling party is a “state-party”. It relies on state instruments and resources for its survival and operations. In that case it controls all factors of elections: laws, media, security forces, state personnel, the national electoral commission and the registrar of political parties. There are well established evidences since the advent of multipartism in 1992.