Human Rights Challenges

Tomorrow the United Nations will celebrate the Human Rights Day. The day was fixed to commemorate the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948. This year, the activities related to this event will put an emphasis on the rights of freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association, and to take part in government. As well, on that day the UNESCO/Bilbao Prize for the Promotion of a Culture of Human Rights will be awarded to Archbishop Desmond Tutu.

This and last years’ celebrations have brought to the spotlight the Arab Revolutions. In 2011, the official message of Irina Bokova, Director-General of UNESCO began by stating that protests of millions of people for to assert their rights in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and other countries of the region marked a turning point in the defense and promotion of human rights. Even more, Mrs. Bokova commented that the Arab Spring was “the greatest hope for democratic change since the fall of the Berlin Wall”. This year’s communiqué again remembers that the fight for having a voice has been at the center for changes in the Arab world, and reminds that minorities and participants of the Occupy global movement are fighting every day to make their voices heard.

At least since the Declaration of Independence of the United States, and then with renewed echo after the French Revolution of 1789, the defense of human rights has been incessantly in the goals of people who have fought for better lives in their communities. Just as persistent, however, have been the obstacles that have prevented them from effectively

The cases mentioned in the referred speeches and communiques illustrate very well such problems. The Arab Spring so far has fallen short of being the renewed third, or even the fourth, wave of democratization. Although noticeable advancements were made in Tunisia, and some rather marginal changes occurred in Morocco, the future of other countries remains an open question, and not just because of the corruptness of autocrats. People in Libya, Egypt, and Syria have to solve very complicated problems in relation to the organization of the public space. For the very least, they have to find a way to fairly represent in government secularists and the diverse array of Islamic interests (whose commitment to democracy is at times uncertain).  In addition, the protests in those countries have an important economic component in their origins: overnight inflation, unemployment, or food shortage. The solution to these latter problems requires rapid action from governments, which in many cases are not in place, are fighting its people, have not a clear commitment to democracy, or, regardless of their intentions, do not have the necessary resources to act. When someone needs to eat, it is not very useful to remember that participation in public affairs can foster a better distribution of wealth. In this context, people support leaders that promise quick and material change.

On the other hand, it is questionable whether Occupy protests and similar demonstrations have been up to their own goals. Notwithstanding general strikes in Spain, the government has not stopped its budget cutting and austerity policies. Just two suicides could put a break on evictions of mortgage debtors. And in spite of rallies in Athens against similar governmental actions, not only their government does not listen, but decisions are taken jointly in Athens and Berlin.

All that is not to say that democracy and human rights promotion or construction made “from below” is futile. It is only a pair of illustrations of the immense challenges faced by people who fight for them. But we, living in countries where the bases for democratic institutions were laid over 200 years ago (protests in the Middle East began just two years ago), also face a challenge of our own: thinking of more innovative and efficient ways to help the efforts of the protagonists of the Arab Revolution and of protests in other parts of the world. We can begin by questioning why some kinds of protests have shown results apparently so meager. At the same time, it is necessary to review much more systematically past experience and draw lessons from them, in similar fashion to what happens in other areas of public policy. This effort shall not be restricted to governments and government-funded NGOs, but must also include students, activists and any other person interested in the promotion of human rights and the advancement of democracy. We have the knowledge, experience, and resources to do so.