Browsing articles in "Governance"
Sep 29, 2013

From Dawn till Dusk?

A supporter of New Dawn protests against the detentions of some of the party's most important figures. The sign reads " (from The Guardian).

A supporter of New Dawn protests against the detentions of some of the party’s most important figures. The sign reads “Listen chief, and listen again, you have ridiculed the system one more time – Golden Dawn of the Greeks” (from The Guardian).

This week-end the Greek government orchestrated a series of actions against the far-right party Golden Dawn, including raids to its national and regional headquarters, and the detention of its leader, Nikolaos Mihaloliakos, its spokesman, Ilias Kasidiaris, three of its eighteen representatives in Congress and other thirteen members under charges of forming a criminal organization. The crackdown comes a week after an anti-fascist rap singer, Pavlos Fyssas, was stabbed to death following an argument at a bar over a soccer match. Allegedly, the attackers wore black t-shirts that Golden Dawn supporters use, for which the crime was quickly and easily linked to the party, although it denied any such relationship. In any case, concerns rose again about what that radical and xenophobe party really stands for.

It has been widely noticed that the seizure of the party’s assets and leaders is the biggest crackdown of a party since the return of democracy to Greece in the mid 1970’s. Two questions emerge in relation to this: why did the government do it and what its consequences could be.

When the party’s members were detained, they were presented with evidence on the criminal activities of the party. However, ever since 2012, when it entered mainstream politics by winning representation in Parliament and becoming the third most important political force in the country, the party has been characterized by its weak respect for order and rule of law, being linked with a number of violent episodes and having a clearly aggressive discourse directed against foreigners. But it had not been associated before with a death, as now is the case. Apparently, out of tolerance for the freedom of expression granted to all political actors in a democracy, the government did not undertake any visible or publicized action against New Dawn. Nonetheless, a death meant the party and its supporters crossed the red line, and authorities could not remain idle.

New Dawn, in spite of its relatively small size (18 out of 300 legislators, barely above 5% of the total) is the third political force, behind the ruling New Democracy (ND) – Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) alliance, and the Coalition of the Radical Left – Unitary Social Front (SYRIZA), which constitutes the official opposition (another group, the Independent Greeks, also has 18 seats). Furthermore, New Dawn’s popularity growth over the previous two years, evident from not passing the minimum vote threshold in 2011 to winning 18 seats in Parliament, is associated with the rejection to the government’s austerity deals with the European Union and the International Monetary Fund to counter the economic crisis. Hence, crashing New Dawn is not just crashing a violent political group, but also crashing an unquestionable adversary of Antonis Samaras’ administration. For its supporters, who already have had some rallies to demand the freedom of the detainees, acting against New Dawn martyrizes its members and contributes to increase its popularity.

In addition, although not necessarily defending the party, some voices have asked about the legality of the government’s actions against New Dawn. In particular, if it was legal to detain its legislators in spite of them still having parliamentary immunity. Plus, the question remains open on whether the party will be officially declared shut down, and under what legal precept could such decision could be made. What is more, now there are vacant seats in congress, which could increase in number if investigations continue. It is still unclear what will happen to those places. Prime Minister Samaras wants to prevent a special election; although his ND-PASOK alliance has an advantage of more than 80 seats over SYRIZA, it would be too risky to call for an election that would increase the size of the opposition. Finally, the two previous electoral races proved to be incendiary for the Greek electorate; Samaras’ administration would not want to go through such a test before the public opinion.

The issue here is how to contain a popular party whose commitment to democracy and the rule of law is questionable. Twentieth-century European history shows that such parties do pose a serious risk not only for democracy, but also for peace. As long as the remedy is not worse than the ailment, for which New Democracy’s popularity and in the stability of any Greek government could be seen as indicators, possibly it is worth trying it.


Sep 27, 2013

Ruling by Cliché

One of the commonly seen long lines in a grocery store in Venezuela due to product shortages (from El País).

One of the commonly seen long lines in a grocery store in Venezuela due to product shortages (from El País).

Venezuela President Nicolás Maduro was scheduled to participate in the U.N. General Assembly in New York City this week after an official visit to China. Days before, he claimed the U.S. government had denied visas for part of his team as well as the landing permit for his aircraft. The Department of State explained that, as he would be travelling not in his official plane, but in a Cuban one, a special diplomatic clearance procedure was required; in the end, all visas and the permit were approved (the reason he was not using his presidential airplane is that it had a malfunction in one of its wings, in spite of having been in the workshop of Airbus in France for five months). Finally, on the eve of his departure to NYC, Maduro commented that he had decided to cancel the trip because he came to know about the possibility of violent provocations due to his presence in the U.S. and threats against his physical security.

This is not the first time that Maduro cites security threats against himself or the country. During the summer, the official press publicized the detention of a group of people near the border with Colombia who were labeled as being a menace to the country. Intentionally or not, the announcement was made at a time when domestic and international press began detailing the hardships of Venezuelans due to the nation-wide shortage of the most basic products, including toilet paper and diverse food items, largely derived from delays in the internal production due to insufficient foreign currency, necessary to pay suppliers abroad.

Now, the threats Maduro mentioned in relation to his presence in NYC more or less coincided with the implementation of some measures to counter shortages. These include lowering of barriers to the import of essential goods, the emission of dollar oil bonds to be exchanged for food, and the reconsideration of the controlled foreign currency exchange system to reduce the large gap between the official and black market rates, which would lead to yet another devaluation of the bolivar. At the same time, the government reiterated its discourse of being attacked by greedy businessmen and a corrupted press, who wanted to prevent the country from consolidating its own economic system.

Knowing what we know about the functioning of authoritarian regimes (or semi-authoritarian; the precise classification for Venezuela can be debated) it is not quite surprising what Maduro has been doing. By motivating the sensation of the country being at risk and the belief that the crisis is instigated by its enemies, the state becomes the only actor capable of defending the citizens from emerging dangers. This was the cliché during Hugo Chávez’s presidency (mostly during his later years), and now it is during that of his successor, Maduro, who inherited the same style of making politics.

However, the environment is not the same for Maduro than it was for Chávez during most of his tenure. Now, there is a much better organized opposition, headed by Miranda state governor Henrique Capriles, which has had very successful electoral results. Hence, the question is whether or not Venezuelans will continue buying the official discourse now that there is an alternative to it. As noted by most analysts discussing the situation in Venezuela, shortages will not end unless the whole production and monetary system are changed, of which there are doubts will happen as it is one of the pillars of Chavismo. At the same time, such a way of making politics does is not ready to deal with an opposition, rapidly labeling the emergence of any such group as a state enemy. Voters will go to the polls on December 08 to renew the municipal administrations. It is then when we will know what portion of Venezuelans still buys the “enemy of the state” discourse and what portion of the Venezuelans prefers to vote for an alternative to shortages.

Sep 26, 2013


Muslim Brotherhood supporters marching in Cairo earlier this month (from Al Jazeera).

Muslim Brotherhood supporters marching in Cairo earlier this month (from Al Jazeera).

On Tuesday, a court in Egypt banned all activities of the Muslim Brotherhood and ordered to seize all its assets. This is expected to be the final blow for the organization that has received the largest blame for placing obstacles to democracy during the presidency of Mohammed Morsi (by neglecting the construction of political institutions and the rebuilding of the economy but dedicating more attention to the implementation of the Sharia) and for instigating instability after the President was toppled down (even being accused of terrorism). With the detention of some of its leaders, including its spokesman Gehad El-Haddad, its newspaper shut down, and now the whole group being declared illegal, the goal is to remove the Muslim Brotherhood from the mainstream Egyptian political scene.

A basic rule in a competitive democratic system is that it should be open to any political group interested in taking part in it provided that it does not play against its rules. An actor cannot be prohibited from participating in it because others do not agree with its world vision or objectives. It is between those two perspectives that the reactions to the banning of the Muslim Brotherhood can be placed.

On one side, there are those who, as mentioned above, blame Morsi and the Brotherhood’s one-year long administration for ignoring the most important concerns of Egyptians and just looking out for themselves. To this group belong a part of citizens, who were not willing to tolerate a closed and non-democratic regime similar to that of Mubarak (with not real freedom of cult and with Morsi trying to coopt legislative and judicial powers), and the Army, which did not feel comfortable in an unstable environment derived from political decisions that provoked strong reactions from the citizens. For them, banning the Brotherhood represents getting rid of a hurdle in the institutionalization and democratization of Egypt.

On the other side, there are those who view the Brotherhood as the victim of the story: they won the first democratic elections, they were trying to establish the foundations of a new authority, but were ousted by angry citizens and the Army. As it has done since Morsi was forced out of office in early July, it will not be surprising that the Brotherhood fights back the measures against it. The only difference is that any riposte is now illegal. Furthermore, as a pro-Morsi and Muslim Brotherhood activist commented in an interview for The Guardian, the ban will make little difference in the group’s activities, because for more than 80 years of its existence the Brotherhood was illegal. Even under such circumstances, when the system was opened the group easily emerged as the strongest, more articulate and better organized political force in Egypt. They are ready for whatever challenges may come.

At the same time, other members and sympathizers of the Brotherhood, mostly young people, in a way are thankful of the government’s measures against it. With the detention of its leaders and the suppression of its activities (including political rallies and publications), they argue that the most radical and aged sector of the group has lost its share of power. Now that they have left, the idea continues, more pragmatic and committed to democracy people can constitute a modern alternative of an Islamic political discourse. If that is really their objective, they will have to convince the electorate that there is a space for some version of political Islam in Egypt that actually fits in a democratic regime. As the Court’s decision illustrates, there seems to be not a lot of current support for such idea.


Sep 20, 2013

International Day of Democracy

Protestors in the 2009 United Nations Climate Change Conference, in Copenhagen (from

Protestors in the 2009 United Nations Climate Change Conference, in Copenhagen (from

As it has done since 2008, on September 15 the United Nations celebrated the International Day of Democracy. This initiative has been followed with varying degrees of enthusiasm. Eagerness is noticeable in the Inter-Parliamentary Union, co-sponsor of the event, and in Myanmar, where in 2011 the inauguration of the first government after Than Shwe’s dictatorial rule was made to coincide with the date. For the rest of the countries it can be said that the commemoration has been more or less overlooked. In any case, since last year, the U.N. has focused related events of the day to a specific topic of democracy. In 2012, it was “Democracy Education”. In 2013, “Strengthening Voices for Democracy”.

In his message for this year’s edition of the celebration, U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki Moon mentions that “apathy is the most insidious enemy in a number of societies”, noticing that “inclusive participation is the antidote”. He further explains that people can play an essential role in reducing inequalities, promoting peace, supporting transitions, empowering women and the youth, and advancing development. Moon finishes by urging governments to “hear, respect, and respond appropriately to the voices of people”, and asking citizens to “think about how they can use their voice to not only take control of their destiny, but to translate their desires and the desires of others into a better future for all”.

Unquestionably, inclusive participation is an essential component of any democracy. In the deliberative fashion so highly praised in ancient Athens, in the associational form highlighted by Tocqueville, or more closely being involved in the different stages of the policy cycle as promoted by the idea of democratic governance, no democracy of any kind can sustain itself without the constant and free interaction between public authorities and citizens. All those aspects of participation enrich the idea that democracy and citizen participation in politics are a lot more than the celebration of recurrent free and fair elections. Given its central position in democratizing processes and democratic regimes, at least two considerations must be made in relation to the promotion of political participation.

First, as Huntington famously observed in Political Order in Changing Societies, the rapid expansion of political participation unaccompanied by institutional reform to process the emergence of new actors into the political system has the very strong potential to bring instability to polities. If people have expectations to participate, but find out that there are no mechanisms which allow them to make use of their new rights, apathy, violence, or other features contrary to democratic consolidation might easily emerge. For it to be effective, participation needs two elements: an interested society and a responsive state. If any of them is missing, not democracy, but disorder or repression, will emerge.

Second, participation promotion is not a concern just for democratizing countries. Indeed, many of the so-called industrial democracies still have pending work on the subject. For instance, as citizens acquire more specialized knowledge about the policy areas of their interest, governments could consider institutionalizing spaces not only to listen to their voices, but to fully incorporate them into the different stages of the policy process, including the definition of the problem, the design of a solution, its implementation and its evaluation. Furthermore, there is always the in-progress work of promoting the accountability of public officers, fighting corruption, or reviewing the ethics of public officers are other aspects of participation that go beyond speaking up.

This International Day of Democracy was useful in reminding both political leaders and citizens that no democratic regime can exist without the involvement of society in the process of government. Such objective is never fully achieved, as there are always aspects of participation than can be enhanced in both democratizing and democratic countries.

Sep 18, 2013

The Island


Yesterday, Cuban dissident Jorge Luis García Pérez, also known as Antúnez, participated in a dialogue with Georgetown University students as part of his visit to the United States in his first tour abroad. His objective was to share with the scholar community his vision on how to improve the lives of Cubans.

Beginning at age 25, Antúnez spent 17 years in prison for saying that Cuba was not a utopia, but a dystopia. During that time he suffered physical and psychological abuses, which were exacerbated when he went into hunger strikes to protest against the way he was being treated, the reason of his confinement, or as a token of solidarity with other political prisoners. His greatest worry there was not to lose the necessary strength to keep resisting the life in jail and the lack of freedom in Cuba.

Upon leaving jail, Antúnez wanted to share his story (not so different from that of other prisoners) with other Cubans so they could know what the reality of the country was. With severe restrictions to the press, internet accessibility, or the right to association, it is not easy to get a grasp of what the past or current reality looks like in the island. The experience of reality is quite subjective, but the Cuban government has distorted this truth by imposing its own views to the inhabitants of the country. For Antúnez, there lays the central pillar of the Communist government in Cuba and an opportunity to bring it down. Without sufficient or correct information, he argues, people inside and outside of the island are not aware of the everyday problems and inequalities in the country, hindering the organization of an opposition to the regime. The only way to get proper education, medical attention, or a job is my manifesting adherence to the party. If not, mediocre services, if any, will be received. As well, controls over the media and communications prevent stories or arbitrary detentions and police abuses to be known to Cubans and to the rest of the world. If information is spread, Antúnez concludes, then people would be aware of the critical situation in Cuba and they could prompt for a change.

Antúnez acknowledges that the essence of the problem in Cuba is political, for which any eventual solution must also be political (as opposed to an economic embargo). Spreading information and going out to the streets to contest the abuses of the regime aims at the political nature of the problem. He also notices that the regime is not ready to peacefully defend itself, but is ready to violently react to any opposition it receives. Hence, attacking it in one of its vulnerable points by organizing civil resistance actions can substantially contribute to its demise.

In the end, Atnúnez’s invitation to his audience at Georgetown was straightforward: spread information about Cuba and the abuses suffered by its citizens at the hands of the government. So simple a task it might seem, it indeed can make a huge difference in a country in which the flow of information is controlled by the state. Antúnez will continue striving for this objective by meeting with other government officials and NGOs in the United States.

Founded in 2004, Democracy and Society is a biannual print journal published by the Center for Democracy and Civil Society at Georgetown University. The D&S Blog provides web-only content, including special reports and investigative series, on issues relating to democracy and development.

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